For decades, Kampala remained a difficult battleground for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), with opposition parties firmly controlling much of the city’s political space.
That trend, however, appeared to shift during the recently concluded 2026 parliamentary elections, as the NRM made unexpected gains in several key constituencies within the capital.
Among the seats captured by the ruling party were Kawempe South, Kampala Central, Busiro North, and Nakawa East, areas that had previously been under opposition control.
Observers and party insiders have increasingly attributed this breakthrough to a grassroots initiative popularly known as the “Ghetto Youth Structures.” The programme is widely linked to Maj. Gen. Christopher Damulira, the Director of Crime Intelligence at the Uganda Police Force, who is credited with championing the model.
The approach deliberately targeted Kampala’s marginalized urban settlements—often described as ghettos—communities that have historically aligned with National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.
At its core, the Ghetto Youth Structures initiative is a state-supported youth empowerment framework aimed at rehabilitating vulnerable young people, curbing urban crime, and drawing them into productive economic activity. Implementation largely occurs through Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations (SACCOs), which provide access to financing, vocational skills training, and start-up capital.
Youth groups enrolled in the programme reportedly work in coordination with security agencies, particularly the police, to discourage criminal activity, promote compliance with the law, and transition participants into alternative income-generating ventures such as boda-boda transport, petty trade, and artisanal enterprises.
Sources familiar with the programme indicate that over Shs 1.5 billion has so far been injected into the initiative. Plans are underway to scale this up to Shs 5 billion, with each of Kampala’s five divisions earmarked to receive Shs 1 billion.
Proponents argue that the initiative has weakened criminal networks, reduced youth radicalization, and improved relations between security institutions and urban communities. They further contend that these structures fostered a sense of belonging and reduced long-standing resentment toward the state—an outcome that may have translated into increased political goodwill for the ruling party.
Political analysts suggest that this strategy played a meaningful role in reshaping voter sentiment in Kampala, a city traditionally considered an opposition stronghold.
“This went beyond policing,” noted one analyst. “It represented a social and political reset. By prioritizing livelihoods, the NRM appears to have reached a segment of the population that felt ignored for years.”
As Kampala’s political dynamics continue to shift, attention is now turning to whether the Ghetto Youth Structures will be institutionalized as part of the NRM’s long-term urban strategy—and whether its promised socio-economic impact will endure beyond electoral cycles.
